Archive for the ‘India’ Category

Review of: ‘Global Warming In India: Science, Impacts and Politics’, Nagaraj Adve, Eklavya, 2022.

Monday, March 4th, 2024

[Published in November 2022, volume 46, No 11 of The Book Review India]

Nagaraj Adve’s Global Warming In India is a brief and practical guide that enables the reader to engage with the discussions, debates and actions about the most pressing social and moral issue before our generation. It is written with a sense of hope and compassion for the “ordinary people” that is largely missing in similar and popular books, which tend to focus more on the specialist and technocratic solutions handed over from above and to which most of us are expected to assent to and participate merely as a consumer or observer. The first chapter about the science of global warming is presented without unnecessary jargons and covers all the concepts necessary to clearly grasp the phenomenon. But where this books differs the most from other popular climate change books is in Chapter 2 where the author identifies the “systematic drivers” of the crisis.

The root cause of climate change is capitalism’s DNA, argues Nagaraj. A society which organizes its most important tasks and goals around the maximization of profits cannot address the needs of the ecosystems or its poor and working people. It produces more and more goods by degrading quality of work and the environment through cost cuttings in pollution prevention and casualizing jobs. Lets recount two (out of many) recent incidents that support this claim. One day after Putin invaded Ukraine the LNG Allies a oil and gas lobbying association wrote an open letter to Joe Biden asking him to expand the fossil fuel infrastructure to fill the export gap in Europe created by the war and also by the sanctions against Russia1. And as a result new gas and oil pipelines have been sanctioned along with $300 million in funding by the US government for the new fossil fuel infrastructure.2 And in India, the Economic Times reported that, “Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has opened arbitrage opportunities so enticing that Reliance Industries Ltd deferred maintenance work at the world’s biggest oil refining complex to churn out more diesel and naphtha after prices surged.”3

It is often claimed that it is taking us so much time to switch from fossil fuels to greener sources of energy because of all the inertia built in from previous decades of planning. But as these cases illustrate the cause of delay is not only past inertia but active investment and development for more fossil fuel dependence in present and for future.

Also, related to this is the Indian government’s policy positions on climate change. The Indian NDCs for the Paris Agreement almost entirely depend on reducing the share of fossil fuel in the energy mix. Nagaraj addresses with the deficiency of such approach in the later chapters. He points out that for actual and meaningful reduction of greenhouse gas emissions the fossil fuels must drop in absolute terms. But this demand is rejected by the Indian government and also by much of the liberal and left critics and environmentalist. They object that why should India, a “developing” nation give up on its opportunity “to grow” for mitigating a crisis created by the richer nations? One answer is being provided by the leaders of the most venerable and island nations. They have been repeatedly saying that India and China are among the top emitters and emerging economies and “while they (India and China) develop; we die; and why should we accept this?”4 The self-image of India created by the Indian intellectuals is very self serving, shifting from a “powerful” nation to “developing poor” nation as the needs of the business and political elites demand. India is the third biggest emitter of greenhouse gases and when it claims its right to more “carbon space” to develop at the cost of islands and coastal communities then, how different is the notion of “carbon space” from Nazi “living space”?

Moreover, as Nagaraj distinctly points out the policies that lead to climate crisis have also led to unparalleled inequality both globally and in India. The NCRB 2021 report reveals that in 2021, 1,64,033 people committed suicide in India, including 5 daily wage earners every hour.5 While, “during the pandemic (since March 2020, through to November 30th, 2021) the wealth of billionaires increased from INR 23.14 lakh crore (USD 313 billion) to INR 53.16 lakh crore (USD 719 billion). More than 4.6 crore Indians meanwhile are estimated to have fallen into extreme poverty in 2020 (nearly half of the global new poor according to the United Nations.) The stark wealth inequality in India is a result of an economic system rigged in favour of the super-rich over the poor and marginalised.”6 So how justified can a business as usual let-India-develop position be when only development seems to be of the top 1% and top 10% of Indians.

The final chapter on solution is filled with thought provoking ideas that are just the right balance of specific and general to help come up with concrete plans while allowing creativity and local needs to be assimilated. But, the solutions have to acknowledge and recognize the faces and the forces responsible for the economic and climate crisis: the billionaires and their corporations.

This book is an essential reading for anyone who wants to make sense of the changes taking place before us and to be a positive part of it.

1https://lngallies.com/energy-security/

2‘How the gas industry used the Ukraine war to secure new fossil fuel infrastructure’ Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.

3‘Billionaire Mukesh Ambani’s refinery makes millions from war windfall’ Economic Times, May 09 2022

4Quoted in Karin Bäckstrand, Ole Elgström (2013) ‘The EU’s role in climate change negotiations: from leader to ‘leadiator’, Journal of European Public Policy, 20:10, 1369-1386, DOI:10.1080/13501763.2013.781781

5https://frontline.thehindu.com/social-issues/ncrb-2021-report-dying-young-and-jobless-in-india/article65894493.ece

6https://www.oxfamindia.org/press-release/inequality-kills-india-supplement-2022

A source of BJP power.

Thursday, April 21st, 2022

PART I.

जैसे जैसे इस देश में चीजें और ज्यादा घिनौनी और वेह्शियना होती जा रही हैं, इस घिनोने समाज और राजनीति के पीछे की कुछ सचाई बाहरी रूप के पीछे छुपती जा रही हैं. यह की, 2014 में बीजेपी के जीतने का एक बड़ा कारन (शायद सबसे बड़ा काऱण) बड़े उतयोगपति और अरबपति वर्ग की फंडिंग, और उनके न्यूज़ नेटवर्क का बीजेपी को समर्थन था.

यह की, इस उद्योगपति और अरबपति वर्ग को कुश रख कर ही यह पार्टी ताकत बनाए हुए है. अरबपतियों और बड़े उद्योगों के लिए टैक्स माफ़ी, ‘इज़ ऑफ़ डूइंग बिसनेस्स’ के नाम पर कानून खोखले करना, मजदूर वर्ग की बची कुछ ताकत को भी कुचल देने वाले नए श्रम कानून लागु करना, वगेरा वगेरा।

यह अरबपति वर्ग और बीजेपी की सांठगांठ के आलावा हिंदुत्व संगठनो और अरबपति वर्ग का एक और आम उदेश है: माइनॉरिटी और गरीबों के लिए बानी पोलिसिओं को हटाना, ताकि सरकार की जगह कम्पनिया ले सकें मुनाफे के लिए. जब हिंदुत्व संगठन नेहरू पर कीचड़ उछालते है तब वो इस देश के अरबपति वर्ग को बड़ी ख़ुशी देता है, क्यंकि वो कीचड एक ऐसी आर्थिक विवस्था जो गैर-बराबरी काम करने की कोशिश करती है और कंपनियों पर सामाजिक न्याय के चलते कुछ रोक लगाती है, उस विचार पर भी वो कीचड़ गिरती है.

हम संविधान को चाहे कितनी भी बार सीधा पढ़ लें या उल्टा करके, ये पैसे और राजनैतिक ताकत की सचाई है, जिसको आज की उथल-पुथल में याद रखना ज़रूरी है. जबतक अरबपति वर्ग को ये सरकार खुश रखेगी, उनको और अमीर बनाती रहेगी, और ताकत देती रहेगी, और लोगों को आर्थिक मुद्दों से दूर रखेगी, तब तक इसका ही राज रहेगा.

यह भी सच है की यह इस्थिति बनी ही इस्सलिये थी क्योंकि जादातर मुद्दे जो काम करने वाले वर्ग के जीवन पर असर डालते है उन् पर बात करना बंद कर दी गई थी, क्योंकि वो कंपनियों को, उनके न्यूज़ चैनल्स को पसंद नहीं. तो ऐसे में ये कोई चौकाने वाली बात नहीं है की जब सारी राजनैतिक पार्टिया जनता को आर्थिक मुद्दे से दूर रखना चाहती है थो पेचान की राजनीति में सबसे कट्टर पहचान की राजनीति करने वाली पार्टी की सबसे आगे रहेगी.

अरबपति वर्ग की तरफ से भारत को नए साल की शुभकामनाएँ

Tuesday, January 4th, 2022

पिछले हफ्ते कुछ अखबारों ने बड़ी खुशी से ये खबर दी की भारत में डॉलर अरबपति की संख्या में बढ़ोत्तरी हुई है. 2021, का साल जो दुनियाभर के ज्यादातर लोगों के लिए एक खौफनाक वक्त था उस साल भारत में 40 नए अरबपति बने.अब इस देश में 126 डॉलर अरबपति है. इन् 126 लोगों की पूँजी मिला कर रु.55 लाख करोड़ की है. इसका मतलब है की इन 126 लोगों के पास इस देश के 80 लाख परिवारों की कुल सम्पति से ज़्यादा सम्पति है.

यह उस 2021 के आंकड़े है जिस साल इस देश में पहले कभी ना देखी गई तेजी से लोगों ने लम्बे समय नौकरी ना मिलने के बाद नौकरी खोजना ही बंद कर दिया। और यह सिर्फ कोरोना महामारी और उसके आर्थिक असर के कारन नहीं है. 2016 से लगातार इस देश में लोग नौकरी मिलने की उम्मीद छोर कर बाजार से बहार जा रहे है. जिसका एक असर यह है की भारत के ज्यादातर परिवारों में एक से अधिक सदस्य के पास रोज़गार नहीं है. 2016 में सिर्फ 34% परिवार थे जिनमे एक से ज़्यादा लोगो के पास काम था. 2021 में यह संख्या 24% हो गई है. 2020 के लॉकडाउन के दौरान यह 17% थी.

तो जिस समय इस देश के ज्यादातर परिवार भुखमरी के करीब जा रहे है उस ही समय कुछ मुट्ठी भर लोग इस देश की पूरी सम्पति अपने पास समेत रहे है.

यह 126 डॉलर अरबपति वर्ग में सबसे ऊपर है मुकेश अम्बानी. मुकेश अम्बानी ने पिछले साल हर एक मिनट रु. 2 लाख अपनी सम्पति में जोड़े. जो हम में से ज्यादातर लोगों को जोड़ने में कम से कम 2 साल लगेगा.

फेयरवर्क इंडिया की नाई रिपोर्ट के अनुसार 2021 में ज्यादातर सामान और खाना डिलीवरी वर्कर्स की आमदनी में गिरावट आई है, पेट्रोल के दाम में बढ़ोत्तरी और कंपनी के कमीशन भड़ने की वजह से.

रिपोर्ट ने यह भी बताया की हर एक डिलीवरी कंपनी अपने मजदूरों को एकजुट हो कर अपनी बात रखने से रोकने के लिए बहुत मेहनत कर रही है. उनका एक बडा मकसद यूनियन ना बनने देना है. बॉस वर्ग यह बात जानता है की एक कर्मचारी एक बड़ी कंपनी के सामने मोहताज और बेबस है.

लेकिन बॉस वर्ग और बॉस वर्ग में भी अरबपति वर्ग आपस में एकजुट है और रोज़ इस देश को लूटने की मशक्कत कर रहा है. और इसका अंजाम हम अपने आसपास की गरीबी, बेबसी और ना-उम्मीदी में देख रहे है.

गैरबराबरी से परेशानी क्या है?

Tuesday, December 28th, 2021

भारत में रह रहे 50% परिवारों के पास औसत तौर पर Rs.66,000 की पूंजी है – जो एक बड़ा झटका आने पर परिवार को सड़क पर ले आता है. इस देश के सबसे अमीर 10% लोगों के पास इस देश की 65% संपत्ति है – और उनमें से भी सबसे अमीर 1% लोगों के पास देश की संपत्ति का 33% हिस्सा है.

समाज की संपत्ति के बंटवारे में गैरबराबरी सिर्फ ग़रीब, मज़दूर, मध्यम वर्ग और अमीर “बोस” कॉर्पोरेट वर्ग के बीच ही नहीं है – ये जाती की बुनियाद पर भी बटी है. हाल ही में प्रकाशित एक रिपोर्ट के हिसाब से इस देश के 50% अनुसूचित जनजाति से लोग गरीबी रेखा के नीचे है, ये आंकड़ा अनुसूचित जाती के लिए 33.3% है और पिछड़ा वर्ग के लिए 27.2% है. जबकि देश की बची हुई जनसंख्या में 15.6% लोग गरीबी रेखा के नीचे है. ये साफ़ है की इस देश में अनुसूचित जनजाति और अनुसूचित जाती बेहद मार खाई हुई है उस समय जब की देश में हर जाती और धर्म के लोग गैरबराबरी और गरीबी से ग्रस्त है.

यह हकीकत के बावजूद अक्सर लोगो से सुना है की लेकिन वो मेहनत करते है तो अमीर है, वो तेज़ दिमाग है, वग़ैरा-वगेरा. इस हालात को बनाए रखने के लिए जो चीज़े हमें सिखाई गई है उन्हें दोहराते है.

लेकिन ये 10% और 1% सबसे अमीर लोग इतनी पूंजी का क्या करते है? घर में गेहूं चावल भर कर रख लेते है? फ्रिज ख़रीद लेते है? सबसे महंगी कार और हवाईजहाज खरीदने के बावजूद इस वर्ग के पैसे में कमी नहीं आती तो फिर ये पूँजी का क्या होता है?

इस सम्पति से मिलती है राजनीतिक ताकत। खरीदते है समाज के संसाधन – कॉलेज, पानी, रेलवे स्टेशन, हवाई अड्डे, बिजली उत्पाद करने वाले बिजली घर. साफ़ लफ़्ज़ों में कहें तो ये देश को खरीदते है.

आप में से अगर किसी को लोकतंत्र शब्द सुना सुना लग रहा हो तो गुज़ारिश करूँगा की सोचने की कोशिश करें की ऐसे हालात में लोकतंत्र की क्या इस्थिति हो सकती है – याद दिला दूँ की इस देश में राजनैतिक पार्टियों को कॉर्पोरेट्स बिना हिसाब पैसा दे सकते है.

यह भी याद दिला दूँ की ये 10% और 1% का वही अमीर वर्ग की है जिनकी कार और मॉल के लिए आज के शहर बने है, यह वही वर्ग है जो इस देश के कार्बन उत्सर्जन और प्रदूषण के लिए जिम्मेदार है. ये लूट है. ये खून है. ये गैरबराबरी है.

 

 

 

 

What Demands for Kashmir?

Thursday, June 10th, 2021

For people concerned with freedom, equality and decency it is fair to say that the last decade has been that of regression. This is no doubt the case for Kashmir, Kashmiris, and Indians who are privileged and alive enough to care about Kashmir’s suffering and struggles. The arbitrary arrests, the silencing of the population, the erosion of civil society, and many other things we hoped to get rid of in Kashmir have strengthened their grip over India.

It makes the battle ahead difficult while all the more urgent and necessary. Unfortunately, the section that is affected by similar issues in India, like police violence, state repression, violence against women and working people, powerlessness has only increased. That expands the scope for more understanding, raising consciousness, and solidarity among the oppressed in Kashmir and in India. The criminal mismanagement of covid-19 also demonstrated for many the costs of not having politically democratic and responsible institutions.

But what can we reasonably hope to achieve? Plebiscite? Demilitarization? These things look impossibly far now. So what demands? And how? New Delhi is not moved by public opinion in Kashmir. It demonstrated in 2019 that for Delhi Kashmiris are animals and insects, without rights and we do with them whatever we like. Farmer’s protests show that even vocal Indian public opinion hardly matters for this regime. But if there is any hope for improving the situation in Kashmir it is largely from international and domestic pressures. Waiting for Kashmir to explode in civil or armed unrest is a prayer for genocide. The brutality and power of the Indian state have only increased since the 1990s. It will only give a new justification for intensifying the cycle of violence and harming the chances of any long-term solution.

I believe the most basic demand that Indian activists, labour unions, civil societies, progressive NGOs, and maybe political parties should include in their programs is that of the restoration of the pre-August 5, 2019 position. Something similar to the baseline reached in the first Gupkar Declaration.

The first and major step must be increasing public support. While being as cautious and prepared for reaction by the state. And to my knowledge, public support remains the best defense against the state’s retaliation. Another step of course must be to learn more from civil society, activists, and people in the region to formulate a more meaningful and reasonable proposal.

This should be considered only a suggestion to start the conversation. With the increased access to information and opinions about Kashmir, a large section of young Indians have grown sensitive towards their struggle. But understanding must also lead to action. Hopefully, we will rise to the occasion.

WHY DOES THE WORKING CLASS SUPPORT BJP? (To whatever extent it does.)

Monday, May 24th, 2021
Why are most people in urban and rural India skeptical about the existence, nature, or origins of the coronavirus? Why do they mistrust the vaccines – whether developed in India or not? Because for most working people the people in power (“bade log”), whoever they may be, do not have their interests in mind, most have little understanding of the forces that seem to govern their life – from decisions about livelihood, health, education and even death.
 
The talk of the whole covid catastrophe in India being the result of increasing sins (“paap”) in the world is also common. When I asked a woman what they mean by “paap” she responded by saying that it is the increasing selfishness, diminishing human decency in society – “just look at how dead bodies of covid casualties are being treated.” Some people might reply differently but the feeling that “we have changed for the worse” is pretty common and with little effort can evoke a sense of longing for a mythic “better past and tradition” that is lost. A sense of alienation and powerlessness combined with mistrust of social forces and corrupted people is the ideal ground for the seeds of power worship to grow. They are just waiting for a messiah to appear, convince them it’s their interest he or she represents and they will surrender.
 
These people are a victim of neoliberalism and the shrinking possibility of even a mediocre life. Most young people of my generation who grew up in a middle-class have fallen out of it and almost half of them are unemployed. This is why in the opinion polls globally the so-called right-winger supporters usually favor progressive economic policies. That’s why parties fight elections on “cultural” and”identity” issues almost exclusively.
 
The question more important now is will the working class continue to support BJP (again, to whatever extent it does) even after BJP demonstrated that it is one of the worse party and government in the world when it comes to dealing with any sort of crisis and has no interest in poor people’s lives? I think the answer (quite obviously) is: Yes if the majority of the working people do not find a real alternative that can show it cares about its interests – including economic interests. Only a campaign for economic justice that speaks to the needs and aspirations of the masses can defeat BJP.

It’s not (just) Modi, it’s Neoliberalism and Military-Industrial Complex

Wednesday, April 28th, 2021

The 2019-2020 union budget allocated Rs. 64,559 Cr. to Ministry of Health and Family Welfare and Rs. 4.3 Lakh Cr. to Ministry of Defence. There are expenses on health not included in this but that is compensated by the fact that a lot of defence funding is done through the Home Affairs ministry (especially of the forces and operations in Kashmir and Chattishghar) and the secret budgets for intelligence services are never revealed – so the comparison still holds. And a SIPRI report released yesterday shows that the actual publicly available defence spending was Rs 5.4 Lakh Cr.

<span;>And this trend is not new. For decades the fighter aircraft, carriers, missiles are eating away the money, manpower and technical expertise that could have instead created a stable healthcare system better prepared for something like Covid-19. Instead of producing guns and bombs, we could have produced masks and ventilators and instead of procuring missile defence systems from Israel and Russia, we could have procured material and tech for these health care needs.

<span;>This next one is a heartbreaking comparison to make but the most common argument for defence spending is that there is a violent threat to us that we need protection from and which justifies these astronomical spendings. Going by the worst-case scenario records, the total (Indian) death toll in last 50 years from wars, armed conflicts, insurgencies and terror attacks is no more than 2 lakh. We have passed this number officially and in reality, we have passed at least 5 times more than this number of deaths in the last year from Covid-19. It is as if we have fought a war each day for the last one year. And we have – it is the toll of the Indian elites class war against the population.

<span;>India was the worlds 3rd largest spender on military last year and ranked 131 on Human Development Index. Putting people over the interests of the State and its regional military dominance is not unique to this regime and will not go away after it.

<span;>Why is there a shortage of vaccines? Short answer is: patent monopoly and monopoly agreements. When a state funded research in collaboration with private pharma company results in a drug or vaccine there are atleast two option. Either the state can take rights over the medicine and pay the private firm for its contribution or, the state can grant the company monopoly rights to produce, set price and sell the product and have nothing to do with it. But the current social ideology of neo-liberalism tells us that we cannot do the former because it will create deficit if the state pays these companies – nevermind the “deficit” and burden inflicted on people in terms of drug costs which on average are 5-10 times higher. So, a single company gets the right over the medicine.

<span;>The rights to <span;>COVISHIELD are owned by AstraZeneca and its manufacturing rights in India have been given to Serum Institute. It is unclear who owns COVAXIN rights which was created under a PPP agreement with Bharat Biotech – the current pricing of the vaccine and tech-trasfer agreement with Haffikine Institute give a mixed impression but it is unlikely that Bharat Biotech doesn’t have a significant say in future manufacturing and pricing decisions.

<span;>The central government can grant compulsory license for both the vaccine and involve more private and crucially public manufacturers. This could have been done months ago. This can be done now. Not only will it ramp up production but also reduce the risk of single or few suppliers suffering accident or logistical issues. Recall that Serum’s production facility experienced a major accident few months ago (result of another neoliberal fetish – deregulation).

<span;>But this discourages “innovation” and alienates corporations. And of course alienating corporations is worse than couple of lakh people dead.

<span;>These policies too have support in all corners of political and elite circles and transcends Modi or BJP. They just represent the extreme wing of the elite consensus.

<span;>It’s because of the neo-liberal dogma that the level of inequality globally and in India is historically high and that jobs have collapsed. The result of which is people with insufficient savings and monthly income to survive economic and social lockdowns for even few days and who lose the last penny on rents, loans and medical bills. Deepening the spiral of poverty.

<span;>While all the work and needs today are understandably, for the most part, are local and hyperlocal the long term solution – which too are urgent must focus also on so-called “defence” eating away social wealth and corporate interest devouring the interest of the people and the planet.

State of Labor

Tuesday, October 20th, 2020

Around 60% of the Indian working-age population is effectively out of the job market (the labour participation rate is close to 40%.) Those who have some kind of job in the informal economy work close to 14hr a day making less than Rs.10,000/month (going by the best of days estimate). Even the part of the working people in the formal economy are working at least 52 hrs a week and most of the time doing over-time, still making less than minimum wage.

A study released last week found that Indians from the time of entering colleges to the age of 35 are the most anxious and depressed bunch of people in India and probably the world – a sign of a lively labour market according to most economists and policymakers.

And now we have policies to exaggerate this fantastic condition. Like replacing all employment with a fix-term job and creating Foxconn jobs in India with tax money. Foxconn and their friends are, of course, the manufactures of iPhones who have to tie nets around their plants to catch the workers trying to commit suicide by falling from the roof. Similar new policies of despair to aggravate the agrarian and farmers’ crisis are also not missing.

All this on top of growing inequality where our true overlord – Lord Mukesh, makes Rs. 90 crore every hour. Even less severe inequalities have conclusively been shown to cause mental disorders.

Business Standard reported that “India has generated over 5% per annum real economic growth with less than 1% employment growth for three decades.” And that to raise labour participation rate to the average 43% India needs 5 crore jobs as soon as possible but Mahesh Vyas believes Indian policies and trends are not on the path to realistically generate 80 lakh jobs. Every month 1 lakh new workers are being added to the Indian disposable labour force.

Since the lockdown, the number of women workers (195 million of whom are in the informal sector) losing their jobs has been disproportionately higher to their participation in the labour force – almost 50-60% higher. This includes formal, salaried workers. The primary reason for disproportionate job losses during the crisis has been the far-off and unsafe location of the workplace. If the risks outweigh the benefits women workers drop out. Which means the most financially venerable ones stay.

 

मीडिया लोकतांत्रीकरण, ना कि सेंसरशिप: भड़काऊ और नफ़रत से भरी बातें रोकनि हैं तो आर्थिक मुद्दों पर ध्यान देना होगा

Wednesday, September 16th, 2020

कल सुदर्शन टीवी न्यूज़ के कार्यक्रम पर रोक लगाते हुए सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने कहा कि “भारत में अमेरिका की तरह जर्नलिस्ट्स को अलग से कोई आज़ादी नहीं दी गई है”. और यह की “लोकतंत्र होने के लिए कुछ स्टैंडर्ड्स और मानक होने चाहिए”. लेकिन उनमें से एक मानक जर्नलिस्ट्स की या बोलने की आज़ादी नहीं है. आए दिन लोकतंत्र की रोचक परिभाषा देखने को मिल रही हैं.

कार्यक्रम पर बैन लगाने का कारण ये बताया गया कि एक समुदाय (मुस्लिम) के लोगों को गलत और अपमानजनक तरीके से पेश करा जा रहा था. कोर्ट के फैसले से कुछ समय के लिए हजारों में से एक चैनल पर ऐसी नफरत भरी बातें तो बंद हो गई लेकिन, ये भी मिसाल फिर से कायम हो गई की कोर्ट चाहे तो किसी भी भाषा को किसी एक समुदाय के खिलाफ मान कर उसपे रोक लगा सकता है और कार्यवाही कर सकता है.

तुषार मेहता ने कोर्ट में ये बताया कि कई ऐसे चैनल है जहाँ “हिन्दू आतंकवाद” की बात की जाती है. क्या कोर्ट उन् पर भी रोक लगाएगा? कोर्ट का जब दिल चाहे लगाता है और, लगा सकता है.

ये नफ़रत भरी बातें आती कहा से है और उनका असर क्यो होता है?

पिछले 10-15 सालों में भारत की जीडीपी जेसे जेसे बढ़ी, उस ही तेज़ी से बेरोज़गारी और गैरबराबरी भी बढ़ी. जो एक मध्यम वर्ग ऊपर आया था वो भी नीचे जाने लगा और जो मध्यम वर्ग में शामिल होने के सपने देखते थे उनके सपने खोखले लगने लगे. इस वर्ग में से कई हिन्दू भी है जो 3 या 5 साल से UPSC की नौकरी की रेस मे भाग रहे है.

जिनके इस तरह से अपने भविष्य को ले कर सपने टूटे हो उनको एक समुदाय में अपना दुश्मन देखने में आसानी होती है.

जस्टिस जोसफ ने ये बात उठाई कि मीडिया कंपनियों का आर्थिक मॉडल जब टी.र.प. पर निर्भर हो तो ऐसी चीज़े ज़ादा होती है. दूसरा कारण सरकारी और दूसरे कॉर्पोरेट विज्ञापन से मुनाफा भी है. क्यंकि पिछले कुछ सालों से नफरत पर आधारित टीवी समाचार का मॉडल कारगर साबित हो रहा है, तो लाज़िम है इसे सब अपना रहे है.

मीडिया लोकतंत्र का सब्ज़े ज़ररुई हिस्सा है – इलेक्शन से भी ज़ादा. क्यंकि आप वोट उस आधार पर देते हो जो आप जानते हो. तो क्या लोकतंत्र में मीडिया को मुनाफे के लिए बाजारु बनाया जा सकता है? या फिर मीडिया को सामाजिक रूप से नियंत्रित किया जाना चाहिए. जैसे कई देशों में होता भी है, जहां लोकल समुदाये साथ मिल कर कार्यक्रम बनाए – मुनाफे और मंत्रियो और कम्पनियो से अलग हट कर.

एशियानेट न्यूज़ नेटवर्क लिमिटेड, या ए.एन.एन. जो भारत में कई चैनलों का नियंत्रण करती है का मालिक भाजपा संसद, राजीव चंद्रशेखर है. न्यूज़ लाइव का मालिक बीजेपी मिनिस्टर हिमंता बिस्वा शर्मा की पत्नी रिणीकी भूयां सरमा हैं.लोकमत के मालिक कांग्रेसी नेता हैं. नेव्स18, फर्स्टपोस्ट के आलावा इंडियकास्ट मीडिया डिस्ट्रीब्यूशन प्राइवेट लिमिटेड, बालाजी फिल्म्स और इंफोमेडीअ प्रेस का मालिक अंबानी परिवार है.

ये वो ही नेता और अरबपति हैं जिनकी नीतियों के कारण सरकारी और अब प्राइवेट नौकरिया इस देश में मिलना बंद हो गई है, इन नीतियों के बारे मे हम ना सोचें और इस बारे में कुछ ना करें इसलिए मुसलमान या दलित को दुश्मन बताना ज़रूरी हो जाता है.

कुछ छोटे मोटे चैनल कुछ दिन बंद भी हो जाए तो भी ना ये सचाई ना ये नफरत फैलाना बंद होगा. और लोगों को और मीडिया को शांत करने की ताकत का इस्तेमाल लोकतंत्र और गरीबों के खिलाफ ही होगा. बेरोज़गारी और मीडिया में कंपनी और नेताओ की ताकत खत्म करने की लंबी और मुश्किल लड़ाई से बचने के लिए चीज़े बन करने का शॉर्टकट नहीं लिया जा सकता.

(Dis)Integration At Gunpoint – Aug 5 2019-2020 J&K Report

Wednesday, August 5th, 2020

I contributed a chapter on militarism to this very important and comprehensive study of life and politics in J&K in last one year: (Dis)Integration At Gunpoint.

(https://jklpp.org/kashmir-reading-room-report-aug-2019-aug-2020/?fbclid=IwAR1Mf7SUA3z-dlyIpayahPRQrpeVLHAjfsWS1m6UBUDKmm07fXM7CZneC9Q)

Indians who read it with eyes (and mind) open should realize how deep our hands are in blood. And hopefully that should shake off some of the apathy and equanimity that makes this crime and violence possible.

A year ago, Indian state finished the task of completely alienating Kashmir from India and its puppet government in J&K. Ex-RAW chief Dulat and few other army commanders are worried and wonder if New Delhi is actually prepared for what is coming? One can speculate the direction local protests and militancy will take in the valley but one thing is clear that Indian state had once again made Indians insecure in name of “national security”.

One very unfortunate thing we can expect is more attempts and few successful attacks in mainland India in coming years. Indian state has known for years that whenever there are moments of hope for a peaceful resolution of the Kashmir issue militant attacks (and even cross border infiltration) stops almost completely.It shows who and what is the cause of violence. What happened on August 5th was an invitation to a prolonged war of counter-insurgency that will be fought all over India. Who cares if that puts Indians at risk?

This is just one reason why more Indians should be concerned about Kashmir and our State policy there. But basic sense of humanity should be sufficient to see what is happening is grossly unjust, that we should stop the violence and resolve the issue peacefully with Kashmiris. No country, especially not India, can afford militarism and a war economy when almost half of its youth population is unemployed, health care is among the worst performing in Asia and inequality is rising faster than in any other country in the world.