Archive for the ‘Human Rights’ Category

कश्मीर फाइल्स & लिबरल

Sunday, March 20th, 2022
कश्मीर फाइल्स की रिलीज से जो भारत के समाज की – खासकर हिन्दू समाज के कुछ वर्गों की – जो नफरत सामने आ रही है वो आज नहीं पैदा हुई है. ना ही वो 2014 में पैदा हुई. 2017 के एक नेशनल सर्वे में सिर्फ 8% भारतियों ने यह कहा था की कश्मीर में मिलिट्री ज़ोर का इस्तेमाल कम किया जाना चाहिए, और लगभग 70% भारतियों ने कहाँ था की भारत की सेना को और ज़ादा बल और हिंसा का इस्तेमाल करना चाहिए. ये पुलवामा के पहले और बुरहान वानी की मौत के 2 साल बाद की बात है – जब भारत की सेना पेलेट गन का इस्तेमाल आम जनता पर कर रही थी. याद रखने वाली बात है की पेलेट गन का इस्तेमाल 2010 से कांग्रेस सर्कार द्वारा शुरू करा गया था.
उस ही सर्वे में ये भी पता चला की भारत के लोगो से जब पूछा गया की देश को बेहतर बनाने में कोनसे संसथान का सबसे ज़ादा योगदान है तो कोर्ट, पुलिस, सर्कार, एन.जी.ओ अदि से काफी ऊपर मिलिट्री अति है. हिंसा, मिलिटरीवाद, और कश्मीर के लोगो से दुरी और कई लोगो की नफरत आज की बात नहीं है और इसकी जड़ हिन्दुत्बा से गहरी जाती है – बल्कि “लिबरल” लोगो में भी आसानी से मिल जाती है.
क्यों 1990 से 2014 के बीच “लिबरल” भारत के और लोगों के बीच मिलिट्री और कश्मीर में हिंसा के बारे में लोगो की चेतना में बदलाव नहीं ला सके? क्या पता आने वाले दिनों में भी आम लोगो के बीच इन मुददों पर संघटित तरीके से लोगों की चेतना बदलने का काम कर पाएंगे या नहीं.
जादातर लोगों की सामाजिक चेतना लेक्चर हॉल और सेमिनार में नहीं बनती – जहाँ पहले से पढ़े लिखे और शोध में समय दे सकने वाले लोग आते हैं. रोज़मर्रा के सघर्षो, यूनियन गतिविधियों और कुछ गैर राजनैतिक प्लेटफॉर्म्स में ही लोगो के साथ इन मुददों पर समज विकसित करने का काम किया जा सकता है. जो की वो सभी लोग, जो समाज में गैरबराबरी और हिंसा का राज चाहते है, बखूबी कर रहे है.
नए इंस्टाग्राम लेफ़्टिस्ट्स में से कई लोगों का तो ये मानना है की जो लोग दुनिया में उनके जैसी सोच ले कर नहीं गिरे वो सब उनके दुश्मन है. जिसका मतलब जादातर मजदूर वर्ग भी क्यंकि उनमे से कुछ लोग भगवा स्कार्फ़ और माथे पर टिका लगा कर घूमने लगे है. जबकि ये दोनों बर्ताव एक ही सिक्के के दो पहलु है – अपने आप को एक नैतिक दृष्टि के गुट के हिस्से के रूप में दिखाना. जबतक हम इन लोगो से बात नहीं करेंगे और इनको अपना हिस्सा नहीं मानेंगे तबतक इस्थिति सिर्फ बत्तर होनी है.

What Demands for Kashmir?

Thursday, June 10th, 2021

For people concerned with freedom, equality and decency it is fair to say that the last decade has been that of regression. This is no doubt the case for Kashmir, Kashmiris, and Indians who are privileged and alive enough to care about Kashmir’s suffering and struggles. The arbitrary arrests, the silencing of the population, the erosion of civil society, and many other things we hoped to get rid of in Kashmir have strengthened their grip over India.

It makes the battle ahead difficult while all the more urgent and necessary. Unfortunately, the section that is affected by similar issues in India, like police violence, state repression, violence against women and working people, powerlessness has only increased. That expands the scope for more understanding, raising consciousness, and solidarity among the oppressed in Kashmir and in India. The criminal mismanagement of covid-19 also demonstrated for many the costs of not having politically democratic and responsible institutions.

But what can we reasonably hope to achieve? Plebiscite? Demilitarization? These things look impossibly far now. So what demands? And how? New Delhi is not moved by public opinion in Kashmir. It demonstrated in 2019 that for Delhi Kashmiris are animals and insects, without rights and we do with them whatever we like. Farmer’s protests show that even vocal Indian public opinion hardly matters for this regime. But if there is any hope for improving the situation in Kashmir it is largely from international and domestic pressures. Waiting for Kashmir to explode in civil or armed unrest is a prayer for genocide. The brutality and power of the Indian state have only increased since the 1990s. It will only give a new justification for intensifying the cycle of violence and harming the chances of any long-term solution.

I believe the most basic demand that Indian activists, labour unions, civil societies, progressive NGOs, and maybe political parties should include in their programs is that of the restoration of the pre-August 5, 2019 position. Something similar to the baseline reached in the first Gupkar Declaration.

The first and major step must be increasing public support. While being as cautious and prepared for reaction by the state. And to my knowledge, public support remains the best defense against the state’s retaliation. Another step of course must be to learn more from civil society, activists, and people in the region to formulate a more meaningful and reasonable proposal.

This should be considered only a suggestion to start the conversation. With the increased access to information and opinions about Kashmir, a large section of young Indians have grown sensitive towards their struggle. But understanding must also lead to action. Hopefully, we will rise to the occasion.

(Dis)Integration At Gunpoint – Aug 5 2019-2020 J&K Report

Wednesday, August 5th, 2020

I contributed a chapter on militarism to this very important and comprehensive study of life and politics in J&K in last one year: (Dis)Integration At Gunpoint.


Indians who read it with eyes (and mind) open should realize how deep our hands are in blood. And hopefully that should shake off some of the apathy and equanimity that makes this crime and violence possible.

A year ago, Indian state finished the task of completely alienating Kashmir from India and its puppet government in J&K. Ex-RAW chief Dulat and few other army commanders are worried and wonder if New Delhi is actually prepared for what is coming? One can speculate the direction local protests and militancy will take in the valley but one thing is clear that Indian state had once again made Indians insecure in name of “national security”.

One very unfortunate thing we can expect is more attempts and few successful attacks in mainland India in coming years. Indian state has known for years that whenever there are moments of hope for a peaceful resolution of the Kashmir issue militant attacks (and even cross border infiltration) stops almost completely.It shows who and what is the cause of violence. What happened on August 5th was an invitation to a prolonged war of counter-insurgency that will be fought all over India. Who cares if that puts Indians at risk?

This is just one reason why more Indians should be concerned about Kashmir and our State policy there. But basic sense of humanity should be sufficient to see what is happening is grossly unjust, that we should stop the violence and resolve the issue peacefully with Kashmiris. No country, especially not India, can afford militarism and a war economy when almost half of its youth population is unemployed, health care is among the worst performing in Asia and inequality is rising faster than in any other country in the world.

When India Kills Journalists

Friday, August 16th, 2019

Originally published on 25th Oct 2018.

After the brutal murder of Washington Post’s Jamal Khashoggi by a Saudi death squad, the American media for the first time has even tried to consider that there might be questions about Saudi regime’s legitimacy on human right ground. Record of Indian squads attacking journalists, like other “misadventures” (read “crimes”) of Indian armed forces are easily lost in the memory hole of Indian intellectual culture.

In the late 1987 there were four newspapers in the Jaffna region of northern Sri Lanka, ‘Eelamurasu’, organ of the LTTE; ‘Uthayan’ and ‘Eelanadu’, which rarely had any news content in and; ‘Murasoli’, that started in 1986, was the only independent newspaper in the region. Its founder and editor Sinnadurai Thiruchelvam was arrested multiple times by the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) and his 17 year old son was brutally murdered by Indian backed and trained EPRLF on May 10th 1987.

This was before the October indecent that turned the IPKF and LTTE murderously against each other and that led to murder, rapes, kidnapping and destruction of agriculture in the Jaffna region by the IPKF. Later this month Indian forces also bombed the offices of ‘Murasoli’ and ‘Eelamurasu.’

On October 21-22 1987. IPKF killed over 200 patients, staff members and civilians in the Jaffna Hospital. The details are sketchy for obvious reasons – no wittiness was left alive, and local media was silenced. But according to Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Indian forces attacked the hospital claiming the LTTE militants were in hiding.

None of this was every reported by the most liberal section Indian media like India Today, the only Indian publication that had a reporter in Jaffna and ran a cover story in November about the hard time Indian forces were having because of restrictions on killing civilians; and also Frontline, which until 1986 were reporting about the atrocities of all sides but ignored the IPKF atrocities when they began.

This is not an exercise in historical study. But this attitude of Indian forces and media is still alive and has gotten even worse over the decade. Indian forces by definition can never do any wrong or crime and in many cases are the victims, from Kashmir to Chattishghar where Indian forces bomb its population from helicopters.

This week marked the 31st anniversary of the Jaffna Hospital Massacre by the IPKF.

India’s Role in Myanmar’s Crimes Against Humanity

Thursday, August 8th, 2019

(First posted on Stoke.)

In 2015, Myanmar had its first competitive and relatively free elections after 25 years. The election results gave the National League for Democracy party majority in the assembly and help make Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, the State Counselor of Myanmar. The constitution adopted in 2008 instituted a form of government with a mix of military and civilian components in which the military establishment still holds a dominant role. The Tatmadaw, the main armed force in the country, appoints 25% of the seats in both legislative houses, three candidates in ministerial posts and two Vice-Presidents.

Through much of its post-colonial history Myanmar did not recognize the ethnic minorities, especially the Rohingya Muslim community, as natural citizen. The Rohingya people remained the victim of sectarian violence from Buddhist majority backed by military leaders. Starting in 2016, many reports have repeatedly confirmed violations amounting to crimes against humanity and included murder; imprisonment; enforced disappearance; torture; rape, sexual slavery and other forms of sexual violence; persecution and enslavement against Rohingya Muslims in the Rankin region by the Tatmadaw.

On August 5th 2019, the UN Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar made public its report on “The economic interests of the Myanmar military”. It establishes in detail the degree to which Myanmar’s military, especially the Tatmadaw, has used its own businesses, foreign companies and arms deals to support its brutal operations against the ethnic minority groups that amounts to serious crimes under international law. Four Indian firms (two private and two State-owned) have financially assisted or have armed the Myanmar armed forces that contributed to crimes against humanity.

Tatmadaw’s two holding companies, Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) are major conglomerates running operations in every sector from mining to finance through, around, 120 subsidiaries. Profits from these establishments help fund Tatmadaw operations outside the state budget. There are 15 international companies that have formed Joint Venture ties with Tatmadaw, MEHL or MEC. Another 44 international firms have different forms of ties with these military owned and controlled enterprises.

In May of 2018, Indian firm Infosys became a contractor for MEHL owned Myawaddy Bank. Salil Parekh’s multinational corporation provides Myawaddy Bank digital banking software. The relation of Myawaddy and Tatmadaw are public knowledge and that its shares are held by serving and retired military personnel and related organizations such as the Veterans’ Associations. The economic tie was made in 2018, around two years after the human rights violations by the Myanmar armed forces became internationally known.

Adani Group engaged with Tatmadaw conglomerates more directly by paying MEC Rs. 20,000-cr (USD 290 million) for leasing land in Yangon for 50 years. The report notes that both, the Infosys’ and the Adani Group’s ties with enterprises controlled by Myanmar armed forces amount to financially assisting the operations that have lead to gross human rights violations and activities that have violated international humanitarian laws.

India’s State-owned defense manufacturer Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) delivered second-hand trainer aircraft to the Tatmadaw, again, in 2018. Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL), also, provided anti-submarine torpedoes to the Myanmar Navy. The report does not say that HAL and BDL arms trade amounts to an illegal act under international law but it repeatedly says that India “should not have permitted the transfer of arms and related items to the Tatmadaw.”

One thing the report does not mention, because it was not part of its official mandate, is that at least some of the helicopters used in military operations in Rakhine State might have been supplied by India during the military dictatorship.

It must be noted that Indian media, to a significant extent, remained supportive of these “military aids” and uncritically accepted the “containing the Chinese clout” and “suppressing the counter insurgency” narrative of the Indian State.

In addition to these business ties that amount to financial aid and direct military support in the human rights violations, Indian government (through the Delhi-based private firm C&C Constructions) has undertaken the construction of Rs.1,600-cr Mizoram-Myanmar Kaladan road which ties Mizoram with seaport in conflict stricken Rakhine State – a project that passes through dense forests and in which “a substantial number of project workers died due to malaria and other mosquito-borne diseases. Such infrastructure projects might amount to what the report calls “consolidating the consequences of war crimes”.

Earlier this year, the UN human rights experts condemned India’s deportation of Rohingya as it violated the principle of non-refoulement. They said that, “the deportation of Rohingya to Myanmar speaks to a system of refugee status determination that fails to account for the ongoing, credible reports of ethnic and religious minority persecution in that country,”